

IT has been a worrying week for the PTI as the news about Imran Khan’s health became public and dominated news headlines and private conversations. From the sketchy information that came out initially, it appeared that he had some problem with his eye and has lost up to 85 per cent of his vision in that eye. This was reported by lawyer Salman Safdar, after his court-appointed visit to Khan at Adiala jail, though there had been news reports about the matter earlier. According to Safdar, the percentage was communicated to Khan by the doctors who examined him.
The government’s earlier reaction appeared a bit inexplicable. It took the government days to confirm the problem, after it had been reported in the media. And then it did nothing while the Supreme Court woke up to take notice, sending Safdar to the jail. Over the weekend, there were reports that a team of doctors had been sent to the jail to examine him, while his family and personal doctors continued to wait for access. As the family and party refused to accept the government’s decision of giving access to only certain individuals (rather than the family being allowed to choose the person) the examination was carried out at the jail by doctors without any relative present.
The party is trying to build up pressure through protests and sit-ins, which seems to cause no sleepless nights to the government. This is so despite reports that KP is cut off from the rest of the country. The PTI is getting criticised for this though it is hard to understand why the federal government is ignoring it.
To return to Adiala, this is a good time for a reminder that health issues, especially of imprisoned political prisoners, should not be downplayed or treated lightly. For this reason, the government should provide all help possible to Khan; this includes allowing his family and personal doctors access to him, so they can take decisions on his health, instead of the government making the call on which experts should conduct the examination and which family members can be present. This reeks of callousness.
The reports of Khan’s ill health have added fuel to the talk of a probable deal.
However, there is a political angle to this entire crisis. The reports of Khan’s ill health have added fuel to the talk of a probable deal or ‘dheel’, as it seems to share some parallels with the platelets issue which allowed Nawaz Sharif to be freed and flown to London. In fact, the question being asked again and again in Islamabad is if this is Platelets 2, implying that some backroom deal is being worked out.
It is important to point out that the rumours did not just emerge as a result of health worries but also because of the events of the past couple of weeks where the cooperation between the federal and provincial governments improved. Once this happened, the allegations of drugs and other criminal activities directed at Chief Minister Sohail Afridi gave way to praise for his cooperation with Islamabad. So once the reports of the illness emerged, it simply lent credence to rumours that something was cooking.
At the moment, it is hard for those of us who live away from Constitution Avenue to comment on these rumours with any authority. And because I would like to feel better about my ignorance, perhaps some of those living on Constitution Avenue may also be as ill-informed as the rest of us mortals.
Despite this, there is much support for the idea of a deal. For many within the PTI think it would provide respite to Khan and others and allow them to bide their time for a return to power (as in the case of other politicians in the past). On the government side, it is seen as a way to bring some stability to the situation, allowing the focus to remain on the economy.
But all of this ignores a larger issue, beyond the comfort of those in power and in the opposition. In other words, beyond the level of high politics, where the players tend to be the establishment, the parties and individuals, what will this deal bring to dissatisfied people who have been feeding into the popularity and stature of Khan? Indeed, it is this anger which has resurrected Khan and the PTI each time a fatal blow has been struck in the direction of the party in what is ‘high politics’. Be it the forcible exits from the PTI of the more well-known faces or the decision to deprive the party of its symbol — popular support for it has ensured that none of these steps proved sufficient.
So it is perhaps worth asking what the impact of such a ‘deal’ would be. Suppose the deal does disillusion the supporters of Khan and undermines his popularity in a way similar to Nawaz Sharif and the PML-N. (The economy and its poor performance landed the second blow on N’s popularity.) And then what options will be left for the people to still stay engaged in electoral politics. Will they opt for other, smaller political parties? Or will they look around for more radical options?
The point here is that the establishment needs to realise that it not going to be enough to win over politicians to its side; this is not what will make the system more stable. For the system to be more stable, it is not enough to quieten politicians such as Sharif or Khan and then revel in the decline of their popularity. For real stability, the anger of the people will have to be understood and then addressed through a more equitable economic system and by giving them a voice. Instead of focusing on high politics, it might help if for once attention were paid to the level at which people operate and exist. After all, electoral politics in Balochistan was tamed some time ago, but stability continues to be elusive.
The writer is a journalist.
Published in Dawn, February 17th, 2026



