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Perils of mediation


Perils of mediation

PAKISTAN is in the diplomatic spotlight for its efforts to mediate in the US-Iran war. While this role could be beneficial in resolving the conflict, it also presents significant risks. Mediation between the aggressor and aggrieved has its inherent pitfalls. The task becomes more challenging when one party possesses far greater power and resou­r­ces. In such cases, the weaker party may feel pressu­­­red to accept terms that are not in their best interest.

This imbalance is particularly evident in the ongoing US-Israel conflict with Iran, which Pakistan is tasked with mediating. So far, Pakistan has acted primarily as a messenger, passing memos between the two parties. However, it appears to have made little progress in bringing them to the negotiating table, despite US President Donald Trump’s claims of making substantial headway in the discussions, which Iran has denied, asserting that no talks have taken place. The gap between America’s 15 points and Iran’s five points is too wide to bridge.

Tehran has rejected US conditions as “excessive and unacceptable”, viewing them as a virtual document of surrender. Iran believes it holds an advantageous position despite the significant destruction caused by the US and Israel. Furthermore, Iran cannot trust the US administration, which has launched attacks against it twice during negotiations over the past year. The US, in coordination with Israel, initiated the war on Iran while both sides were reportedly close to reaching a deal on the nuclear issue.

So far, Pakistan has successfully maintained a delicate balancing act in what may be the most consequential conflict with global implications. However, this balance is becoming increasingly tenuous as the scope of the war widens. While Pakistan has performed well in its role as a messenger due to its good relations with both the Trump administration and Tehran, questions remain about its mediation role in this highly volatile situation. A concern is whether it possesses the leverage necessary to bring the parties to the negotiating table as the conflict escalates.

Pakistan’s balancing act is becoming tenuous as the scope of the war widens.

Indeed, Pakistan has the support of the regional and international community in its efforts. However, its explicit backing of the Trump administration and defence treaty with Saudi Arabia, which is already embroiled in the conflict and is being targeted by Iranian missiles and drones, complicates its ability to act as an honest broker. Additionally, there is the pervasive presence of Israel, which, alongside the US, is the key instigator in this catastrophic war.

Moreover, Israel’s right-wing government is unwilling to engage in any peace negotiations and has extended its military actions into Leba­non. In a recent statement, the Israeli prime minister noted that the war had only achieved “half of its objectives”, indicating a lack of interest in concluding the conflict. Given that Israel played a key role in convincing the Trump administration to pursue this war, it is hard to believe it will follow Washington’s directives.

Days after Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar exp­res­sed his hope of hosting a meeting between Ame­rican and Iranian officials in Islamabad, the US, along with Israel, deployed bunker-buster bombs to strike what was purportedly a nuclear facility in Isfahan, signalling a significant escalation. Dar’s announcement followed a meeting of the foreign ministers of Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, Turkiye and Egypt, which reportedly endorsed Pakistan’s mediation efforts. The recent escalation in attacks on Iran raises questions about Trump’s sincerity regarding any peace negotiations.

What should one make of the leader of the world’s most powerful country who changes his views on the critical issues of war and peace in the same breath? It is challenging to respond to Trump’s contradictory statements regarding his destructive war on Iran, which has plunged the world into its most serious crisis since World War II. While he claims to be close to reaching a peace deal, he simultaneously threatens to obliterate Iran’s entire energy infrastructure and has begun preparing special forces for ground operations. He may seek an exit from a war that he appears to have already lost, but it seems extremely difficult for him to extricate himself from this quagmire. In the fifth week of the war, Iran has shown no signs of capitulation.

It is becoming increasingly apparent that the purported peace talks are merely a cover being used by the Trump administration to prepare for a potential ground invasion of Iran. The US has already deployed thousands of troops to the Gulf including 3,000 from its elite airborne division, and has beefed up its navy in the region. According to American media reports, a ground operation involving special forces is imminent and it could happen before the end of the April 5 deadline for Iran to reopen the Strait of Hormuz.

In a recent statement, Trump hinted at taking control of Iran’s oil fields and establishing dominance over the strait. His frustration appears to be growing with the failure to obliterate Iran’s resistance. Despite the massive destruction of its military infrastructure, Iran is still raining missiles and drones deep inside Israel and targeting Ame­rican military installations in the Gulf countries.

America and Israel have committed war crimes with impunity since the onset of their war on Iran more than a month ago. For the first time in history, Israel, with the backing of the US, has assassinated Iran’s top civilian and military leaders, including its supreme leader. This marks the first instance in modern history where decapitation has been employed as a war strategy.

Additionally, the US has targeted educational institutions and civilian populations. According to the New York Times, America tested its newly dev­eloped ballistic missile systems on the first day of the war, striking a sports hall and an adjacent elementary school in southern Iran, resulting in the deaths of over 150 young schoolgirls. Given the war crimes committed by the US and Israel, can one truly believe that Pakistan can mediate peace in the context of such an imbalance of power? Un­­derstanding these perils is critical for our policym­akers who appear keen to earn America’s favour.

The writer is an author and journalist.

zhussain100@yahoo.com

X: @hidhussain

Published in Dawn, April 1st, 2026

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